IRAQ/UK/INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE

Q. – Do you think the British withdrawal which is beginning in Iraq is a good thing for that country? Do you think the American troops are going to end up having to do the same under Bush’s presidency? How do you see Iraq’s future, is the country inevitably going to be under Iranian hegemony?

THE PRIME MINISTER – I want to be perfectly clear: the situation in Iraq is very serious. Over 12,000 civilians were killed in 2006 alone; every day brings its share of horrors and attacks. Today, Iraq has become a major source of instability and a hotbed of terrorism. So the challenge she presents compels us to seek a response which has to be collective. It’s a situation which concerns us all.

I note that there’s now a real debate in the United States and Britain on how to find a way out of this situation. The recent British decision must prompt the Iraqi authorities to face up to their responsibilities.

How to stop this spiral dragging the country towards chaos? At every opportunity, I have signalled my firm belief that there was no military solution in Iraq and argued for a swift timetable for the foreign forces’ withdrawal. It’s only by setting a specific deadline, between now and 2008, that the international community will find the strength and determination to make progress in stabilizing Iraq. The international community’s objective must clearly be restoration of the country’s full sovereignty.

To give ourselves a chance of success, the most important thing is to restore a real prospect of a political way forward. To do this, we have to act on three fronts.

On the domestic one, first of all, by achieving a genuine national reconciliation. This will be difficult, but Iraq is a great nation, a very old nation strongly aware of its identity. The guarantee of its independence lies in the country’s unity, respect for its diversity and the affirmation of the Iraqi State’s authority.

Secondly, on the regional front, the dialogue with Iraq’s neighbouring States must be stepped up, because Iraq mustn’t become the battleground for regional rivalries.

Finally, on the international front, a clear goal of the withdrawal of the foreign forces and a return to full sovereignty is essential with the holding, at the appropriate time, of an international conference. The Iraqi authorities’ announcement of an international conference with the countries of the region and permanent members of the Security Council is a step in this direction. France intends, of course, participating in it.

France , whose friendship for the Iraqi people has never faltered, is mobilized, with her European partners, to help them overcome these difficulties.

IRAN

Q. – Do you think that Iranian hegemony is growing in the region in the wake of the American war in Iraq? Do you fear a Sunni-Shia confrontation in the region, in Iraq, Lebanon and the Gulf countries?

THE PRIME MINISTER – It's natural for a country like Iran to aspire to a regional role. For this she has some assets: her identity deeply rooted in history, her size, her large young and well-educated population, and her wealth and economic potential.

But influence isn't automatically conferred: it has to be recognized and accepted. And today Iran is arousing concern, both in the international community and on the part of some of her neighbours, with her uranium enrichment programme which isn't economically justified. Similarly, in Lebanon, in Iraq, on the Palestinian issue, Iran must reassure the international community and her neighbours by working for stability.

On relations between Shias and Sunnis in the Middle East, let's avoid simplifications. The perception of a "Shia threat" which some people have often brandished in the past doesn't reflect political and social reality: the Shia communities, particularly in the Gulf, have for a long time been integrated into their respective nations.

However, let's avoid creating, through dangerous ulterior motives or clumsiness the conditions for a genuine clash between communities, with consequences which are hard to quantify.

France doesn't take either domestic or foreign-policy decisions based on a community belonging to one religion rather than another. Our choices are governed solely by political considerations driven not only by the quest for stability and peace, but also by respect for identities.

PALESTINE/EU AID/TIM/ MECCA

Q. – What can France do for Mahmoud Abbas? Are the Americans wrong not to push the Israelis to accept the Mecca reconciliation process? All the European aid to the Palestinians hasn't been resumed: why isn't France urging this resumption? Do you think that the Middle East is on the brink of a regional war?

THE PRIME MINISTER – France welcomed the agreement concluded in Mecca for two main reasons. First of all, because it offers an opportunity for all Palestinians to silence the weapons and come together. Secondly because the government's announced programme sets in train a process towards full compliance with the international community's demands, which France remains fully committed to, particularly recognition of Israel.

We must, of course, remain very vigilant. Israel's concerns regarding her recognition and security are wholly legitimate. I share them. But we take the view that if a Palestinian unity government is formed and it respects the Mecca commitments, then the international community will have to work with it. We support President Abbas' action to bring the Palestinians together and work for their reconciliation. What would the alternative be? Civil war in Gaza and tomorrow perhaps on the West Bank? That's only in the interest of the region's extremists.

This is the position we are championing and will champion particularly with our European partners in the run-up to and at the meeting of the European Council on 8 and 9 March.

As regards European aid to the Palestinians, it's incorrect to claim that it has ceased or even gone down. In fact it rose in 2006 to a total of around €650 million, particularly in the framework of the Temporary International Mechanism to support the Palestinians. We must, however, look at how to resume direct assistance to the forthcoming Palestinian national unity government as soon as it has formally come into office on the planned basis.

Finally as regards the regional environment, the renewed involvement of some Arab countries, particularly Saudi Arabia, in the settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian issue, is very constructive. I also wish to pay tribute to Egypt's commitment and Jordan's. I note that all the Arab countries have supported the Mecca agreement. The Beirut Arab peace initiative will also contribute to stability in the region.

US/ISRAEL/IRAN

Q. – Do you believe that the United States or Israel will carry out an ad hoc military operation on the Iranian nuclear installations as was done in Iraq? What is France's position on that possibility?

THE PRIME MINISTER – Here too, let's be clear: for France, a military intervention isn't the solution. Let me add that a military strike against Iran would have unpredictable, profoundly destabilizing consequences for the whole region. We must arrive at a political settlement of this crisis.

The United States today recognizes that the strategy which France and her European partners have initiated, combining readiness for dialogue and pressures in a multilateral framework, is yielding results. The fact that last December the Security Council unanimously passed UNSCR 1737 testifies to this. It's a major achievement of the process we've been conducting since 2003.

So our objective is clearly a negotiated solution in the framework of the multilateral system. The American authorities have several times at the highest level spoken along the same lines. UNSCR 1737 was passed under article 41 of the Charter which rules out resorting to force.

I also note that a debate seems to be surfacing today in Iran on the cost of a confrontation with the international community.

So I call on the Iranian authorities to opt for dialogue and return to the negotiating table. If Iran makes the gesture of suspending her enrichment activities, the Council can in return suspend the sanctions: the proposals presented in summer 2006 on behalf not only of the European Union, but also of the United States, Russia and China remain on the table; Iran has everything to gain by taking them up and, on the contrary, everything to lose from an escalation. In the latter case new restrictive measures can be adopted. This is the thrust of the current discussions on a new Security Council resolution.

LEBANON

Q. – France is very committed to the setting-up of the international tribunal to try those indicted for crimes against Rafiq Hariri and others. Through her Lebanese allies, Syria is destabilizing and blocking this. Is there a chance this tribunal can be set up under chapter 7 at the Security Council? Would it be too dangerous for Lebanon's stability?

THE PRIME MINISTER – The imperatives of Lebanon's stability and sovereignty, on the one hand, and that of setting up the tribunal, on the other, go hand in hand. The establishment of this tribunal must precisely show that the practices which have done so much to destabilize Lebanon belong to the past. This is an essential imperative in the eyes of our Lebanese friends.

The agreement we so want the Lebanese to conclude in order to resolve the crisis today dividing them must also cover the issue of the tribunal. All the major Lebanese political forces have endorsed, in principle, the establishment of this tribunal.

If the deadlock were to continue, in other words if the Lebanese Parliament couldn't meet to approve the legislation setting up this tribunal, the Security Council might then have to address the matter. No option can be ruled out at the moment.

IRAN/LEBANON

Q. – France wanted to send an emissary to Iran to talk about Lebanon, why did she draw back from that? Isn't it useful to talk to the Iranians about Lebanon? Is Iran in a position to get results from Hezbollah?

THE PRIME MINISTER – France didn't draw back. The conditions for such a visit weren't met. But France remains convinced of the necessity of a regional dialogue, in a spirit of responsibility. The recent exchanges between Saudi Arabia and Iran confirm that the combined efforts of the countries concerned to stabilize the region are capable of bearing fruit.

In Lebanon in particular, Tehran could prove its ability to contribute to regional stability by using her influence positively.

SYRIA

Q. – A lot of people in France are calling for dialogue with Syria, do you think France will resume the dialogue with Syria and on what condition?

THE PRIME MINISTER – Our position on Syria is known. The friendship between our two peoples isn't at issue; in fact we’re pursuing with that country, with her civil society, substantial long-standing cooperation in the cultural and education spheres.

However, the Syrian leaders have to prove their desire to respond to the international community's demands by implementing the Security Council resolutions. Damascus has to understand the urgent need for it to change its attitude on the Lebanese issue and take the relevant concrete action.

LEBANON/FRENCH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

Q. – Do you think that Lebanon is on the brink of a new civil war, as former President Gemayel says? Do you think that a new president in France will change the impetus of French policy in Lebanon and the even-handed positions on the Palestinian issue?

THE PRIME MINISTER – The context today is very different from that of April 1975. But clearly there's genuine tension and concern.

Lebanon must no longer serve as a battlefield for other peoples' wars. This is the thrust of the action the international community and France, particularly since 2004, have taken to enable the Lebanese State to affirm its sovereignty.

United with Lebanon through very close ties of friendship and solidarity, France is playing her full part in this action. For historical and geographical reasons there is great constancy in the way the French political class addresses our policy in the region, especially as regards Lebanon, there is a wide consensus. As President Chirac recently stressed in his tribute to the memory of Rafiq Hariri, the exceptional relationship which France enjoys with Lebanon will continue regardless of the results of our elections.

Q. – There's great concern in the Middle East vis-à-vis the presidential candidate of your political family, since he's always repeating that he's Israel's friend. Do you think he will change the trend of French diplomacy towards more altruism and more sympathy and understanding for Israeli policy?

THE PRIME MINISTER – France is the friend of Israel and of the Palestinians. She has always taken the view that resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was the key to stability in the Middle East and could be achieved only by guaranteeing Israel her security whilst recognizing the Palestinians' right to a State living in peace and security alongside Israel.

It's because France has always maintained even-handed positions, based on the relevant resolutions of international law, that her voice is listened to by the parties to the conflict, in the European Union and the international community.

It's this strong position, based on experience and the long-standing specific ties woven between France and her Mediterranean environment, which, I am convinced, the Republic's authorities will go on championing in the future.

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Q. – What will you do after the elections. Are you going to go on taking an interest in foreign policy and the Middle East region? In France? In Europe?

THE PRIME MINISTER – You know my commitment to peace and justice. You also know my friendship for the region's countries. Whatever happens I shall go on defending my ideals./.