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Situation in the Middle East

Interview given by Michèle Alliot-Marie, Minister of Defense, to the "Le Figaro" newspaper

Paris, August 25, 2006

Q. – Why has President Chirac announced the reinforcement [of troops]?

THE MINISTER – We've said from the outset that it was necessary to obtain guarantees about the missions and rules of engagement allowing this force to carry out its role credibly and effectively. President Chirac has obtained these guarantees from the UN. So France will contribute to the reinforcement of UNIFIL with two additional battalions, i.e. around 1,600 men. We're now waiting for other countries which said they were awaiting our decision to make arrangements to complete the force.

Q. – Did France go back over her reservations as regards her participation in UNIFIL?

THE MINISTER – France worked very hard to get the ceasefire imposed and allow Lebanon to regain her sovereignty. Even though it's fragile, the ceasefire exists. The Israeli army has begun its withdrawal. The Lebanese army, which hadn't been in the south of the country for 40 years, is deploying there. So there's some progress. But obviously the Lebanese forces need the support of an international force. This is the purpose of UNSCR 1701. But it takes time to set up such a force. France has been present right from the start of the crisis with her naval and air assets. She left them there so she could continue the role of humanitarian support and supply to UNIFIL. We are the only ones to have provided additional troops for UNIFIL. No other country has done. This very strong commitment was a result of political will and our capacity to react swiftly.

Q. – Do you think the mission in Lebanon is still as risky?

THE MINISTER – It is a high-risk mission. This is why the conditions under which it is implemented can't be vague. Under what conditions will this force be deployed? What will its mission be? What will its mandate be? How will it be commanded? What will its rules of engagement be? We have experience of unclear mandates… We should remember Bosnia or, recently, Ituri, in Congo, in July 2003. We had to mount a European Union operation from scratch to free the MONUC forces surrounded by the rebels, who had no means to act. Our reservations are also a good thing for the UN. Seeing resolutions not enforced for want of a firm implementation, the credibility of the United Nations has ended up being undermined. Moreover, if the force has to be able to act, it must also be accepted by the population of the country where it is being deployed. It is important that the troops don't just come from Europe, but from the Muslim world too.

Q. – France's reservations appear legitimate, but the impression of bungling persists… Moreover, the American press is very critical…

THE MINISTER – Some aren't happy about France taking the lead at this time. And in particular our insistence in demanding a ceasefire. There's bad faith in those criticisms… France has been calling on the UN for guarantees from the outset. But, apparently, in some quarters they preferred the resolution to remain vague. The problem is that soldiers don't operate in vagueness. For example, we have to know what we have the right to do if UN forces are prevented from moving around on the ground. Currently, in the framework of the usual rules, they can do nothing. They often don't have the right to use weapons, even non- lethal ones, unless their lives are directly threatened. For my part, I say this is unacceptable. And as for the countries criticizing us, some of them have said they don't intend to send a single soldier to Lebanon. Others are making no effort at all to increase their defence budget and so they can't take a military role. All these countries might well say that France is not doing enough! I believe we have set the example from the outset. At the diplomatic level and military level.

Q . – Have there been differences between the army and the authorities?

THE MINISTER – Not between the military and the government. Between the military and the diplomats, maybe. Their profession is different. They don't act in the same environment. The diplomats are in New York, and their objective is to finalize a text; and being vague is sometimes helpful in reaching a consensus. The military for their part deal in reality, and there's nothing vague about reality on the battlefield.

Q. – Does France have the resources to undertake a new operation overseas without cutting into her assets in Afghanistan, the Balkans and Côte d'Ivoire?

THE MINISTER – In addition to our current commitments, we have the personnel and equipment to conduct another major operation or several small ones as a result of our efforts to build up our defence over the past four years. Over time there would of course be tensions. But that's the case of all armies in the world engaged in operations abroad.

Q. – Don't you think there's some discrepancy between France sounding like a major power and the resources that she can actually deploy?

THE MINISTER – We see the opposite. If it infuriates some, that's their problem. France currently has nearly 14,000 troops deployed aboard in theatres of operations. That's not counting our prepositioned forces. In the days of conscription, before the defence restructuring over the past four years, it wouldn't have been possible. France is in a position today to act as a major power whereas she couldn't have done so a few years ago. We've matched our ambition, consistent with our history and our status as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, with the financial resources and personnel necessary to meet our responsibilities. It would be irresponsible to touch the defence budget or to undermine this defence effort unless we're willing to accept France's decline in this area. We live in a dangerous world. We live in a world where France's word counts./.

Embassy of France in the United States - August 25, 2006