Today's Date:

XIIIth French Ambassadors' Conference

Speech by Catherine Colonna, Minister delegate for European Affairs.

Elysee Palace, August 30, 2005

Ministers,
Members of Parliament and Senators,
Ambassadors,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

Following the President of the Republic, who has set out the major guidelines for French foreign policy, and the Minister, who has just given you your roadmap, I would like to tell you - Ambassadors, Ladies and Gentlemen - about the priorities I have set, as part of our conference which is focused this year on the "implications of the referendum for Europe and for France".

Priorities have to be set. I believe that the job of the Minister Delegate for European Affairs cannot be the same after May 29 as it was before May 29.

Almost to the day, three months have now elapsed since the referendum. It created a new situation that has been taken on board. A new government has been appointed, new guidelines for action have been set out and, with respect to Europe, new working methods have been decided on, notably the introduction of regular interministerial committee meetings.

Nevertheless, May 29 is clearly still with us. The political parties continue the debate with a view to the 2007 elections, some with much soul-searching, others hoping to cash in by exploiting anti-Europe themes. The temptation of demagogy has not been overcome everywhere.

It is up to the government to set and stay the course. It will do so with determination and conviction. We must at one and the same time respond to the concerns and the expectations of the French citizenry with respect to Europe and reiterate that the issue is not a choice between France and Europe - the two go together. But we need to explain that better and achieve better citizen involvement.

I would therefore like to tell you about the course we have set and describe our European project.
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But first I should say a few words about the constitutional treaty, whose future is uncertain.

Where do we now stand? 13 of the 25 Member States have ratified it. Others, like Belgium, should soon be completing their procedure and yet others, such as Estonia, will be submitting the treaty for ratification by the end of the year. Nevertheless, as we know the treaty has to be ratified by all Member States before it can enter into force. And the vote was negative in France and the Netherlands.

In this situation, what can be done? Renegotiate? That seems unlikely. None of our partners has proposed that, at any rate, since June. Moreover, renegotiation would be tantamount to disregarding the decision taken by those peoples and parliaments that have already ratified the treaty or were preparing to vote on it. It would also mean calling the balance of the text, arrived at with such difficulty, into question, and most probably achieving a result that is less ambitious and less favourable to the ideas France defends in Europe.

Should a new referendum be held? I cannot imagine the French being called on to vote a second time on the same text. So let us leave things as they are for the time being. Time will perhaps help us to find answers.

This is the reason why the Heads of State and Government, meeting last June in the European Council, wisely decided to meet again in the first half of 2006 to decide on where we should go from here. They called for the ratification process to continue, adjusting the timetable if need be, and they called for a broad dialogue on European issues in each of our countries.

It is difficult at this time to say anything more than that about the constitutional treaty. But two things are already clear: contrary to what the fortune-tellers said, Europe is not better off following the "no" vote in the referendum. It is less well off. They deliberately misled the French. Since May 29, no credible alternative to the constitutional treaty has materialised.

Moreover, the treaty currently in force, the Nice Treaty, is not a lasting solution and the Europe we want cannot be built on that basis. The enlarged Europe needs renewed institutions if it is to function efficiently and democratically and if it is to facilitate decision making while giving each State its rightful place. This need has still not been met.
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In this period of doubt and uncertainty, it is more important than ever to reaffirm the nature of our European project. This is our duty to the citizens of France, who want to know where we are going. We must also tell our partners that France will continue to play its full role in Europe. Lastly, I remain convinced that France's future is in Europe, that Europe shows us the way forward and can enable us to come together.

Where does the interest of France and the French lie? The answer, in no uncertain terms, is: in France's project for a political, ambitious and mutually supportive Europe, as the Head of State put it on from the 17th of June.

The European project transcends the establishment of a free-trade area. From its inception, Europe has been much more than that. The vision of the founders was to harness solidarity to serve a political ambition.

Europe is not just a market, it is also a history, a culture, principles, common values and a determination to unite in order to defend our interests and have a voice in world affairs.

All of this is more than ever on the agenda and notwithstanding the crises, this project based on a political Europe continues to make headway in people's minds. The British Prime Minister himself spoke, in his speech to the European Parliament a few weeks ago, of his attachment to a political Europe. We might not have heard a speech of that kind just ten years ago.

Similarly, a European consciousness is gradually being forged: in recent days, for example, we have seen how strong expectations are in such areas as air safety and pooling of fire-fighting capabilities.

France wants to work with all its partners to achieve this project of a strong and ambitious Europe. We want to make progress on a united Europe, it being understood that in an enlarged Europe, enhanced cooperation will make it possible for some to pave the way if need be.

We share our ambition for Europe first and foremost with Germany and it is for this reason that, whatever their governments, our two countries have always managed to be an engine of European construction, bringing their partners along with them.

But above all, how, in the current situation, are we to go forward in building this political, ambitious and mutually supportive Europe? We can do this by moving forward with determination in three directions:

- forging a more tangible Europe;
- responding to the two major challenges to the future of Europe - enlargement and globalization;
- and, lastly, fostering greater citizen involvement.

In this way we can win the allegiance of our fellow-citizens.

1) The priority is a more tangible Europe.

This will require the development of efficient policies and of ambitious and useful projects.

We must of course consolidate the current tried and true policies that underpin European construction; but we must also lend impetus to policies that meet the expectations that have now been voiced.

What is the main concern of the French? Jobs and growth. This is why the government has made that the focus of its action, including at European level.

Five years ago in Lisbon, the Europeans set for themselves the goal of making the Union the most competitive area in the world by 2010. Let us face it, we are still a long way from achieving that. The Prime Minister therefore emphasized in his general policy speech that Europe needs to defend its economy and make more use of the tools that it has introduced.

With the euro, we have succeeded in acquiring a stable world currency, which protects us from outside shocks and competitive devaluations. We must now better coordinate our economic policies to ensure that we all pull in the same direction and to enhance our efficiency. Philippe Douste-Blazy made that point just now. We must strengthen economic governance, and hence governance of the Eurogroup, and we must improve the dialogue with the European Central Bank, in compliance with its independence. Tax harmonization is another important project that we must work on.

The conquest of tomorrow's jobs also requires more decisive action with respect to industrial, research, innovation policy and large networks. We succeeded in making the Airbus. Let us use the resources we have available - major projects like ITER and Galileo, the deepening of the internal market - to generate the major European champions of tomorrow.

When it comes to research, we have set for ourselves the goal of sharply increasing the proportion of GDP devoted to it, to 3%. The draft 2007-2013 budget provided for a first step in that direction with a 33% increase in the research and innovation budget. This draft, I would point out, was therefore a modernising budget meeting the needs of the enlarged Union, and for that reason we accepted it. Unfortunately, agreement was not reached at the European Council meeting in June.

The issue has still not been resolved. The Union needs a budget for coming years and an agreement on a budget to which each would make a fair contribution should be reached as soon as possible on the basis of the Luxembourg proposal.

I also think that we need to think about the possibility of raising new funds for research and innovation, for example through a European Investment Bank loan. The Presidency proposed such a loan, in the amount of 10 billion euros. We could do more.

Another day-to-day concern of our fellow citizens is security. This is an area - security in the air and at sea, consumer protection, environmental protection, civil protection and the struggle against illegal immigration, organised crime and terrorism - in which Europe offers an efficient framework for action.

But to achieve a more tangible Europe we must also give each and every citizen the possibility of learning more about it, and the Prime Minister has proposed that a European civilian service be introduced to boost the European identity. Based on existing programmes - Erasmus, Leonardo and others, which must receive additional funding - we should offer every young person wishing to take advantage of it an opportunity to spend several months in one of the other Member States. And this would involve not only students.

Developing efficient and effective policies also means Europe defending its interests and making its voice heard in the world. Everyone can see that it is the European Union that enabled progress to be made on climate change, development assistance and trade. When Europe unites to support its common values and promote its interests, it is strong. This must continue to be the case in the international trade negotiations within the WTO. France will be attentive to this.

On the international scene, Europe has acquired the first instruments on which to build a common foreign and security policy. But we could do much more, as the draft constitutional treaty proposes. This is an area in which there is a profound need for Europe and in which we have made significant progress - the European flag is now seen on a number of continents. Let us continue to build a true Defence Europe.

2) To build this political, ambitious and mutually supportive Europe, the Europeans must also find a better response to the issue of enlargement and to the challenge of globalization.

This is the second thing that needs to be done, though the two issues differ in nature, since it is clear that the citizens have major concerns and expectations regarding them, as the referendum campaign made clear.

Contrary to what some imply, enlargement is a well-thought-out and responsible choice. It is also a historic imperative following the fall of the Berlin wall. I would like for people to better understand that the accession of the ten new Member States is a positive thing for Europe as a whole and for France. We did not manage to explain it properly, even though this enlargement gives us access to new markets and prospects for growth.

This will mean billions of euros in additional French exports. How many people are aware that our exports to these countries have quadrupled in ten years? Already, tens of thousands of jobs have been created. There is much scope for further improvement. It is time people understand that the enlargement to 25 is not only an opportunity for the future but an advantage for the present. And the momentum created as these countries catch up, in economic, social, health environmental terms, benefits us.

Nevertheless enlargement gives rise to many fears and questions when it is perceived as a never-ending, unstoppable process subject to no political oversight.

What is the situation today? The treaty of accession of Romania and Bulgaria was signed on April 25 and those countries will therefore soon be joining us, provided they comply with the commitments.

The conditions for opening negotiations with Croatia are known: they include, in particular, cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.

When it comes to Turkey, its future with the European Union - accession or another solution - can only be written at the end of a long process. Between now and then, the rules have been set out: if the conditions set are met, the negotiations can begin. At the end of the negotiations, if accession is the path chosen, the French will have the last word in a referendum.

The commitments of the European Union will therefore be met, that is clear. But France will watch closely to ensure that the commitments made by the candidates are fully lived up to. I would also like for the Commission to be particularly vigilant and objective in its assessment of progress made by each candidate country.

Beyond that, the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister have said a number of times that we must begin a discussion with our partners concerning the procedures to be followed in future enlargements.

Should the enlargement process itself be continued indefinitely? Of course not. For that reason, Europe must face up to the all-important question of its identity, which cannot be reduced to a matter of geography.

The second challenge is that of Europe in the context of globalization. We should not forget about all the things that globalization has brought us. But our fellow-citizens also expect the European Union to contribute to controlling globalization, to protect them from its negative effects and to help them derive its benefits. In France, they have the impression that Europe is not playing this role. This is the backdrop to many European debates concerning such things as re-location, the draft Services Directive, the social model and public services.

On these issues, let us not allow ourselves to be drawn into the pseudo-quarrel regarding the old and the new. That is not what the European project is about. Like all Member States, France wants a Union that is resolutely focused on the future, that goes forward, creates jobs, helps our societies adapt and enables everyone to fulfil his or her potential. But it is equally true that none of our partners is prepared to call our European values into question - rejection of discrimination, protecting people from life's contingencies, generational solidarity, recognition and respect for the social partners and many others.

We therefore share the same goal. The choice is not between immobility and social or tax dumping, between initiative and solidarity. The Heads of State and Government will be discussing these issues, in an open and pragmatic way, at the informal summit in October.

More broadly, let us study the ideas that have been put forward to enable Europe to remain true to its social values within the context of globalization - for example, promoting social and environmental standards in the external trade relations of the Union and tax harmonization, particularly as regards corporate taxes, to avoid unacceptable distortions of competition.

3) Finally, the third step we must take to achieve our project of a strong political Europe is to better involve our citizens.

We must admit that so far we have not done a good enough job of listening, explaining and persuading. We have not managed to get people - especially young people - to share our ideals, to remind our fellow-citizens of what Europe gives us, or convince them that the Europe that is being built can meet their aspirations.

We only talk about these things in fits and starts, during certain election campaigns. Europe must, on the contrary, be one of the major issues that make up our ongoing democratic political debate.

Finally, who can deny that Europe is often the object of facile caricature, or even made a scapegoat and accused of evils for which it is not responsible?

If we want our citizens to again give their allegiance to the European project, it is urgent that we change our approach, that we talk about what we are doing as we go, that we better explain what is at stake and establish an ongoing discussion about Europe.

Europe has in fact long since ceased to be a foreign policy issue; it now shapes our everyday lives.

The government to which I have the honour of belonging, fully realizing the need for this, set out a new working method without delay.

The Prime Minister, for example, decided to set up interministerial committees on Europe and asked me to draw up their agendas. These committees bring together the main ministers concerned and are held once a month. They are designed to ensure that policy-making is again properly taken on board in the conduct our European activities, to strengthen government coordination and to better anticipate future issues.

But we must do more and gain the allegiance of the French to the European project by involving them in it. This is what the President of the Republic called for in his speech to you yesterday. To this end, he has asked the Prime Minister to draw up and submit to him specific proposals.

It has already been decided that Parliament will be given greater involvement, by providing it with better information on the occasion of major European meetings and by inviting it to voice its views on a larger number of texts.

But beyond that it is the entire country that must be involved in the European project. We must find a way to continue a lively dialogue with everyone - with local authorities, political parties, social partners and, more broadly, with civil society as a whole. There are enormous expectations, as we see. There are many French people who believe that Europe must be built not only for its citizens but with them.

This effort to establish a dialogue must be made by all policy makers and all members of the government. For my part, I have decided to make this task a major part of my work as Minister in charge of European Affairs.

Of course my role is to provide impetus, to make proposals, to defend our interests and to maintain contact with all our European partners.

But I also have a duty to keep in close touch with the French citizenry. This is obvious, following May 29. I therefore regularly travel to our regions to talk about Europe and about all it can do for them, and also to listen to what I am told about Europe and what is expected of it. I will for example be going to Montbéliard in the Doubs region on Friday.

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Ambassadors, Ladies and Gentlemen, I have tried to sketch out for you the things that we must do to succeed with France's project for Europe - efficient and effective policies, a response to enlargement and to globalization, and a strengthened dialogue with French citizens.

You have a major part to play in achieving this goal. I ask you to devote your intellect, your knowledge of local conditions, your energy, your negotiating talents and your pedagogical skills to the task.

In 2005, we face enormous collective challenges that we must take up together. But we also have an opportunity that we can seize: overcoming the current difficulties and keeping the European project on its upward path. This is in the interest of our country and it is our country's vocation.