Today's Date:

THE MINISTER – I’d like to begin by saying, with Michèle Alliot-Marie, what a pleasure it is for us to welcome Igor and Sergey Ivanov today for the third session of the [Franco-Russian] Cooperation Council for security issues. This instrument, the Cooperation Council, testifies to our determination to maintain a regular, close, trustful dialogue with Russia on all issues affecting the stability of Europe and the rest of the world.

At the present time, marked by the persistence of regional crises and terrorist and proliferation threats, these exchanges are all the more necessary. European security has of course been at the heart of our discussions. We share the same conviction: the need for close consultations between Russia and the European Union in order to improve our understanding of our security environment and formulate, prepare appropriate responses.

RUSSIA/EU PSC TROIKA

To this end, we’re keen for Russia to be involved more closely in the work of the European Union’s Political and Security Committee, the PSC. So we’re proposing a new, permanent European Union/Russia institutional mechanism to be created by strengthening the existing consultations between the PSC Troika and Russia.

JOINT CRISIS-MANAGEMENT CONCEPT/CFE

The second proposal is to adopt a European Union/Russia joint concept on crisis management.

Its purpose is to make it easier for us to act jointly in this sphere. It is in the common interest of the European Union and Russia to ensure the stability of their neighbourhoods. When discussing this, we obviously talked about the Treaty on Conventional Forces in Europe, the CFE. We consider it an essential pillar of Europe’s security architecture. We understand the concerns Russia expressed following NATO’s enlargement which will come into effect on 1 April this year, and it’s why we’re making active efforts to find the necessary answers to the questions facing us.

WMD PROLIFERATION/IRAN/NORTH KOREA/PAKISTAN

The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction remains a major worry for France as it is for Russia. Our two countries are situated near States and regions which present a proliferation threat. We are absolutely determined to find peaceful and lasting solutions to this challenge.

We face it, first of all, in Iran. Germany, the United Kingdom and France have set in train a process which has already brought some concrete results. But we feel that for the Iranian nuclear problem to be definitively settled, Moscow must be involved in our action. Russia is already making an essential contribution, through coordinated approaches to Tehran. We want to work together in the framework of the International Atomic Energy Agency on the conditions which will ensure the transparent and safe operation of an Iranian civil nuclear programme.

We face it too in North Korea. Russia is one of the parties to the six-party [North and South Korea, China, Japan, Russia and the US] talks, the "Beijing process" to which France is giving her full support. If these States deem it useful, the European Union could make a contribution and we are, of course, at the disposal of all the participants.

Finally, as well as in Iran and North Korea, we face it in Pakistan. There is real concern about the revelations of the proliferating activities in which some entities in that country have engaged. It is urgent to shed full light on these activities and ensure they never reoccur. To this end, France has proposed opening a dialogue with Islamabad. I was in Islamabad a few days ago. The dialogue could start on the subject of the concrete non-proliferation measures which the country could take. It could bring together the States most directly concerned with the non-proliferation issue and the International Atomic Energy Agency.

We must find with Pakistan the path to full international legality, it's in everyone's interest.

Going beyond these specific initiatives, there's a need to strengthen the political framework of our action. This is the purpose of the draft United Nations Security Council Resolution on non-proliferation, and also of our proposal for a summit of Security Council heads of State and government on this subject.

REGIONAL CRISES/IRAQ/UN

Finally, in addition to these proliferation issues, the regional crises call for responses by both our countries. In Iraq, France and Russia are convinced that only with the swift restoration of the Iraqi people's full sovereignty, recognized by the international community, can progress be made on the reconstruction and path to stability. This is why we are keen to see every effort made to keep to the transition timetable. We hope that the adoption of the provisional basic Act, whose signature is scheduled today in Baghdad, will help consolidate the process of restoring Iraq's sovereignty.

We think that to be effective, the United Nations' re-engagement must be incremental. We continue to think that an international conference would be useful, at the appropriate moment, in order to display the whole international community's support and facilitate Iraq's reintegration into her regional and international environment. This conference should also be the opportunity to address the whole region's security issues.

AFGHANISTAN

In Afghanistan since the adoption of a new Constitution, a genuine feeling of nationhood has been emerging. The holding of elections in 2004 should confirm this progress. This nevertheless presupposes the international community maintaining its military, political and financial commitment. This is essential, particularly vis-à-vis poppy growing and drug trafficking. Such issues could be addressed in the dialogue between the European Union and Russia.

FRANCE/RUSSIA/STRATEGIC DIALOGUE

France and Russia, permanent members of the Security Council, nuclear-weapon States, have special responsibilities in the task of strengthening world stability.

Development of their exchanges on strategic issues can but further this ambition, that of the whole international community.

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON IRAQ/US GREATER MIDDLE EAST INITIATIVE

THE MINISTER – (...) As regards Iraq, we can clearly see today that we have a tough challenge to meet. And this is why we want to propose an international conference. This tough challenge requires the satisfaction of a number of preliminary conditions.

The first is for a political process which is as legitimate as possible, since the aim is to make progress between now and 30 June towards the formation of a provisional government. So for this provisional government to be genuinely able to function, it must be legitimate. Iraq's full sovereignty must be restored through a legitimate political process. And to be legitimate, all the Iraqi political forces must be involved in it. (...) We are pleased to see the United Nations, once again, fully involved in this political process. It has know-how, experience, and M. Brahimi has made a number of proposals following his first round of visits to the country. Whether the existing organs are expanded, or there's a national conference capable of leading to the formation of this government – whatever happens – all the political forces today ready to renounce violence must be included. The national conference must provide the opportunity of mobilizing, not only, of course, all the Iraqi parties, but also all Iraq's neighbours, whom we would like to – and think must – play a greater role in a settlement of the crisis. Peace can't be made in Iraq, there can't be reconciliation in Iraq, if all these countries aren't fully involved. They are the partners of the peace.

We can clearly still see today that her porous borders are permitting a number of terrorist attacks inside Iraq. If we want to be effective, let's ensure the recreation of this regional momentum. And then there must be an international momentum. Hence the importance of the international conference, which is to combine this national, regional and international momentum so as to focus everyone's energies on the issue, and before 30 June clearly signal the move from an occupation regime to what must be a wholly legitimate, fully sovereign regime with a universally-recognized and operational government, if we want Iraq once again to enjoy peace and stability. So it's a difficult process and indeed we think that an international conference dealing with all the region's problems will be an important step forward. Security and the relations between Iraq and her neighbours have always been delicate issues. There's always been suspicion of Iraq. So it's important to facilitate Iraq's full reintegration into her regional environment.

MIDDLE EAST

Besides Iraq, there's the Middle East issue. The future of the Middle East: the American initiative, the European project or another vision? I believe that here we and our Russian friends share the same imperative: the need to start by looking at the actual situation in the region, the actual needs of its countries. We can't dictate the Middle East countries' future to them. We must, in a dialogue, a partnership, try to deal with the issues together, whether they concern economic or social development, economic and political reforms or security.

And there is an essential prerequisite: we can't talk about the future of a region if we skirt round or gloss over its fundamental problems. Today, the region's problems are those of war and peace – the Israel-Palestine issue, Iraq issue – and so, quite obviously, we have to do what's necessary to retake the initiative on all these issues and, in the first place, of course, on this Israel-Palestine, or Israel-Arab issue, which means that the international community must accept, once again, to take the risk of peace. For us this is essential.

So we must fulfil the region's aspirations. Do so in a partnership, in a dialogue. We must also commit to initiatives which deal with these issues of war and peace, allow progress towards the creation of a Palestinian State. We are convinced that the whole region’s stability genuinely depends on there being a Palestinian State enjoying peace and security alongside Israel. (...)

We are making headway in the dialogue with our European partners. We are making headway in the dialogue with our Russian friends. We are making headway in cooperation with our American friends and have high hopes of the international community being able to find the best possible project following a real consultation exercise scheduled for completion by the EU-Russia summit, the Istanbul summit. We have a number of important meetings before the G8 which will bring us all together. I believe that will be the opportunity genuinely to propose a project to the Middle East countries, not unilaterally, but at the end of a genuine substantive dialogue with them. We have begun this with our Egyptian friends – President Mubarak is here today –, with our Saudi, Jordanian friends, all the region's countries which must, of course, be involved in the definition of this project.

RUSSIA/ISRAEL WMD

Q. – As regards the stability of the Middle East and peace between the Arabs and Israel. What are the Franco-Russian ideas for dismantling Israel's weapons of mass destruction, for achieving stability and security and a strategic balance between the region's countries?

THE MINISTER – As you know, the security issues we face in the regional framework precisely need to be dealt with globally and this applies to the Middle East and is what we are doing in Southern and Northern Asia. There has to be a global approach. A number of ideas have been put forward for the Middle East, envisaging a demilitarization so that these areas can be rid of all weapons of mass destruction. This must be part of a process of regional dialogue. Today there is a clear priority: to act in such a way that the dialogue between Israel, the Palestinians, the Arab world can resume. And we are working to this end.

There are today some new proposals which are going to be honed over the next few days during Mr Sharon's visit to the United States. We'd like to see the proposals for a withdrawal from Gaza, as presented by the Israeli Prime Minister, included in a negotiated settlement. We are convinced there are no alternatives to the Roadmap. Clearly, the Roadmap must be the international community’s instrument. And we are convinced that the withdrawal from Gaza – making sure that once dismantled, these settlements aren't transferred elsewhere on the West Bank for example, but taken back home to Israel – could trigger a dynamic of peace. What's important is for us all to remain extremely active and to share with our Russian friends the conviction that the Quartet must be the international community's instrument. And we are pleased that it's going to meet soon. We need to ensure that the political dynamic prevails. This is in everyone's interest. (...)./.