Today's Date:

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This year's theme for your discussions is a key issue for France: the challenges presented by failing States and the rebuilding of the States for international and European security. Today, international and European security is, along with the security of our fellow citizens, at the heart of our concerns. It poses the question of Europe's place and role in the world, and France's place and role in Europe.

[EUROPE’S PLACE / WORLD]

I – The world needs Europe

A. A Europe which is a major player in the building of a new world

Europe is establishing itself as a major player in the building of a new world, whose overall shape is still uncertain, but in which mankind's diversity must be recognized. Admittedly, the European adventure is full of concerns and pitfalls, at times it finds it hard to satisfy all the expectations and all the ambitions we harbour for it. But Europe – by its example and its action – is already contributing and will contribute more to bringing the world greater stability, greater justice and greater freedom. First of all by its example: that of a tremendous success, unique in history, founded on the reconciliation of half a billion people, formerly divided and torn apart, who can today take pride in economic, monetary and commercial successes and aspire to share their ideals of freedom, tolerance and fraternity.

Then by its action: by embarking on the path of controlled, rule-based globalization, safeguarding European specificities and ideals, Europe is contributing to correcting the imbalances, resolving the conflicts and ensuring fair and sustainable development. Europe knows that respect for diversity is indispensable to avoid friction between different communities, identification through rejection and the transformation of self-doubt into hatred of the Other.

Europe is the best bulwark against the very idea of a clash of civilizations. I firmly believe – as you will have understood – that the world needs more Europe. The world needs Europe's conscience, experience and vision.

[ENLARGED EU]

B. A Europe united in diversity

Today Europe is once more breathing with its two lungs, West and East. Despite the hope represented by the enlarged EU, worries are being voiced in various places: some are speculating about an "old Europe" and a "new Europe", whose ways of seeing things are said to irreconcilable and divisions insurmountable. Others are worried about a dilution of national identities, and an excessively oppressive bureaucracy. Finally, there is talk of the European project running out of steam. Let them be reassured. Tomorrow's Europe won't be the one they describe.

[CONSTITUTIONAL TREATY]

Far from leading to a simple economic union without a shared project, far from leading to a common melting pot in which national identities would dissolve, the enlarged Europe, the remodelled Europe we want to build through the Constitutional Treaty, is a united Europe with a very wide variety of cultures, a caring and a people's Europe, a young and enterprising Europe. Today it is up to us to use these resources to build an area of sustainable growth capable of promoting employment and social progress for the benefit of its citizens, of strengthening the area of freedom, security and justice to give Europe its due place in the international arena.

[EU/WORLD SECURITY/IRAQ/DARFUR/BURUNDI/BESLAN]

C. European responses to the challenge of world security

Today the world seems at a loss as to what to do in the face of new polymorphous and often unpredictable threats: terrorism, proliferation, decline of States, organized crime and regional conflicts. The situation in Iraq, with the proliferation of attacks and increase in hostage-taking, is of course, very worrying. The release of our two compatriots, as you can imagine, is a constant concern of the government. The crisis in Darfur is threatening thousands of human lives. The Gatumba massacre in Burundi has reawakened some old demons. The Beslan tragedy, in which several hundred totally innocent children died, has taken to a new level the barbarity terrorists are capable of.

The responses to this type of aggression cannot be solely military. We need to mobilize, alongside force, diplomatic, commercial, economic and humanitarian resources. The EU's added value lies precisely in its ability to combine these different facets of international action. Europe is destined to share responsibility for international security. It aspires to become a global security player in an increasingly complex international environment. Europe is duty-bound to promote its conception of the world, a project which offers mankind genuine prospects of peace, stability and prosperity.

[ESDP]

II – European Security and Defence Policy

And this is clearly the goal of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), a policy which has already allowed the establishment of civilian and military instruments and capabilities. The ESDP is already a reality. The military here today are well aware of this, with the recent deployments in Macedonia and Ituri, and the future one in Bosnia – this time in a European Union operation.

[FRENCH ARMED FORCES]

I want here to pay tribute, in the presence of the Defence Minister and the Chief of Defence Staff, to the professionalism, readiness to act and courage of the men and women in our armed forces who, wherever they are deployed, do a remarkable job and earn the respect of all our allies. Far from being a process of militarization, the ESDP is a genuine process for building Europe, called for by our fellow citizens, and now irreversible. To meet this aspiration, we must provide the ESDP with the requisite civilian and military capabilities to enable Europe to shoulder its responsibilities.

It must also be understood by our allies and accepted by our fellow citizens; it must be credible in the eyes of the world; it must go on moving forward. These objectives will be achieved by implementing a clear, coherent policy, and through effective action and an ambitious, pragmatic approach.

[EUROPEAN SECURITY STRATEGY]

A. Clarity and coherence

Clarity and coherence is the twin principle behind the European Security Strategy and is guiding relations between the European Union and NATO.

1. Clarity and coherence at European level.

For the first time, at the Brussels European Council, on 12 December 2003, the Heads of State and government of the twenty-five member States together defined their security environment and set common strategic objectives. A genuine European vision of the world and the EU's role in the world was defined. France has embraced this strategy structured around a global approach to security and based on building effective multilateralism, a commitment to prevention and the defence and development of international law.

Europe is today becoming a global player, capable of mobilizing civilian and military resources for external action in order to help build a fairer, safer and more united world. It is this Europe, guarantor of peace and democracy that we want to bequeath to future generations.

[EU/NATO/EU OPERATIONS/MACEDONIA/DRC/BOSNIA]

2. Clarity and coherence in the relations between the European Union and NATO.

Clarity and coherence must also be the hallmark of relations between the European Union and NATO. Europe’s goal and Atlantic solidarity are and must remain complementary. Each organization has a role to play depending on the situation. We are thus defending the need for coherence when ensuring complementarity:

because Europe may need the NATO assets to which it is contributing, we are activating the Berlin Plus agreement between the European Union and the Alliance; because the European Union already has significant crisis-management resources, we can also act alone and at very short notice; because, in every situation, we want to assert the primacy of political solutions and safeguard each organization's autonomous decision-making, we are making sure that in any operation we maintain an adequate level of political control and strategic direction.

B. Effectiveness

But to be credible and recognized for what they are, the European Union’s actions have to be effective. In the last few years the EU has acquired an indisputable operational credibility by successfully conducting its first two military operations. Concordia completed the stabilization of Macedonia and demonstrated that the cooperation arrangements between the European Union and NATO could work. The success of Operation Artemis in the Democratic Republic of Congo proved the European Union’s ability to respond rapidly to an appeal from the United Nations and to act autonomously thousands of kilometres from its borders.

In all these crises, France played her part. We have been effective, and that is the best evidence that there is need to go still further. We shall soon have an opportunity to do so, since taking over from SFOR in Bosnia will be a major qualitative leap forward for the European Union, in its magnitude, dual military and civilian dimension, and high profile. This will be a new opportunity to demonstrate our credibility on the ground, and the quality of the cooperation between NATO and the European Union.

[TERRORISM]

The European Union has also shown its determination to take up the challenge of terrorism. Immediately after the Madrid bombings, the EU reacted by appointing a European coordinator, Mr de Vries, and by setting up a body to coordinate the gathering of strategic intelligence. These steps testify to the EU’s determination to tackle the threats to our fellow citizens and its ability to mobilize on short notice.

[EU / AMBITION AND PRAGMATISM / CONSTITUTIONAL TREATY / HEADLINE GOAL 2010 / EUMS / BATTLE GROUPS / EGF / EDA / EUROPEAN DEFENCE COLLEGE]

C. Ambition and pragmatism

And in order to continue to progress, the ESDP must be both ambitious and pragmatic. In political terms, ambition means having a vision of Europe as a “quiet power” which asserts itself as, to quote Javier Solana, “a pillar of the organization of a new world, more free and more united, fairer and safer” which in reality is at the heart of the European project. Ambition means a Europe capable of sharing responsibility for international security; a Europe which has acquired strategic autonomy in all matters relating to its defence and its security. Pragmatism is the expression of strategic objectives which are within reach of the European Union; it means the appointment of an EU Minister of Foreign Affairs responsible for devising and spearheading a common foreign policy.

Pragmatism is demonstrated by the inclusion in the Constitutional Treaty of a clause calling for solidarity in the event of a natural disaster or terrorist attack; of a clause on assistance in the event of armed aggression against the territory of a member State in conformity with the United Nations Charter and the commitments undertaken within the Alliance; and also by the provision in it of the possibility of instituting structured cooperation allowing some States to advance further and faster in the field of defence. In terms of capabilities, ambition is shown by the Headline Goal 2010, adopted at France’s initiative, reflecting the EU’s resolve to have at its disposal by that date European armed forces which can act together, from the strategic level down to the theatre of operations; and by the aim of having a Europe capable of planning and conducting operations, and capable of rapidly deploying interoperable forces.

Pragmatism means an approach looking towards the emergence of organizations, procedures and resources which are useful and effective, as demonstrated by the creation of a civilian/military unit and the nucleus of a European operational centre under the European Union Military Staff. Pragmatism has been demonstrated too by the creation of 1,500-man battle groups available for use by the European Union, the creation of a European Gendarmerie Force in which – at your urging, Mme Minister – France played a key role, and efforts both to increase the sharing of intelligence, especially for the fight against terrorism, and to enhance civil security.

In terms of resources, the ambition certainly isn’t to compete with the United States defence budget, but make better use of the €160 billion or so the 25 member States spend on defence. Since May 2002 France has been making a major effort in this area. This thrust has never faltered, despite the budgetary constraints. I hope it may be a source of inspiration for our partners. Pragmatism has been shown too by the creation on 14 June 2004 of the European Defence Agency which will facilitate coordination between the European capability objectives, cooperative arms programmes, and research- and industry-related aspects; an Agency which is destined to become one of the tools of European strategic autonomy.

At the industrial level, the ambition is for the strategic autonomy, which only a Europe-wide defence industry can help preserve in the field of equipment. Pragmatism is evidenced too by the restructuring which has already taken place in the aerospace and electronics industries, and should now start being applied in the field of naval and land forces equipment. On the training front, the ambition is to develop a genuinely European security and defence culture. It is the vision of Europeans who are conscious of their responsibilities to mankind; Europeans ready to commit themselves, with all the maturity conferred on them by an often painful history, to the path leading to a stable world, respecting human beings.

Pragmatism means the creation – here again at your critically important instigation, Mme Minister – of a European Defence College based on a networked, flexible structure, capable of evolving. Thus, from this year onward, the European Defence College is getting started with the support of IHEDN and the principal equivalent European institutes, thereby strengthening the receptiveness to European issues of all those involved.

[France]

III – France is a driving force because she is credible

Europe is advancing, Europe is on the move. Europe is tremendously extending France’s influence. Europe is good for France. In this task of building Europe in which peace and democracy will be entrenched, France is playing a dynamic role, and must continue to do so in the future. You, and with you all our fellow-citizens, must be convinced of this. This is an imperative in the face of the historic deadlines Europe has put before us.

A. France is credible thanks to the coherence of her defence capability

However, France can sustain this role only if she is credible – a credibility she owes in large part to the coherence of her defence capability, with its well-balanced triptych of deterrence, protection and projection. Nuclear deterrence is being maintained at a credible level of strict sufficiency; our efforts to protect our territory and our people, and our projection capability have been stepped up. The substantial financial outlay represented by the 2003-2008 Military Estimates Act reflects President Chirac’s stated determination to ensure France can play to the full her role on the international stage.

In 2005, France will spend over €15 billion on equipment for her armed forces. Operating expenditures will also be markedly increased, signalling not only the forces’ high degree of operational deployment, but also the concern to manage the consequences of the move to fully-career services. This sustained effort puts France, with the United Kingdom, in the front rank of European countries. The adaptation of our system capability gives priority to catching up in the areas where Europe today lags behind, such as strategic air transport, intelligence, and command and control structures.

France is thus contributing to the emergence of a European power by equipping it with a credible and comprehensive capability supporting its general policy.

[NATO TRANSFORMATION/FRANCE]

B. France is credible thanks to her commitment to the transformation of NATO

But France’s credibility in pursuing the European project also rests on our commitment within the Alliance. I vigorously reject the accusations of bad faith regularly levelled against us: no, France has no hidden agenda; no, France is not seeking to undermine the foundations of the Alliance by developing the ESDP; no, France is not trying to drive the two sides of the Atlantic apart! Quite the contrary. France is making a particularly active contribution to NATO: she is one of the foremost contributors in numbers of troops, and the two Alliance operations, in Afghanistan and Kosovo, are currently commanded by French generals.

We are encouraging the process of transforming the Alliance, and are among the leading nations in the NATO Rapid Reaction Force. We are heavily involved in setting up NATO’s new command structure, in which French officers will play a larger role. The capabilities thus made available to the European countries will be consistent with the new security context. They will also be available for use in EU operations carried out under ESDP. It is thus, by proving on a daily basis our commitment to the Alliance, that we shall be able to go on guiding the development of the ESDP.

[FRENCH GLOBAL SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY / INTERNAL SECURITY COUNCIL / VIGIPIRATE]

C. France is credible thanks to a global security and defence policy

Finally, France is credible because she has equipped herself with a global security policy. As I said myself here a year ago, terrorists do not stop at national borders. This is why the mobilization of the whole government behind the security and defence of our fellow citizens remains a priority at all times. The protection of our nationals and our interests, whether in France or abroad, is an imperative. This means a duty of assessment, prevention, preparation, protection and precaution. Assessment is fundamental. This is why President Chirac wanted to improve our existing arrangements by creating the Internal Security Council.

It is why I have sought to give fresh impetus to the Interministerial Intelligence Council. Next come prevention and preparation: I have called for the updating and modernization of government security plans. The new “Vigipirate” (1) planning will ensure closer involvement of the public through its elected representatives, and of the operators of major public services, who are especially valued partners of the State.

Lastly, protection and precaution: air and maritime security, surveillance of nuclear installations, NRBC risks, transport and energy infrastructures, major industrial complexes and information system: the government has selected priorities and listed them in order of importance. These initiatives have been accompanied by a relaunch of the policy of carrying out exercises [simulating terrorist threats, etc.] and systematic use of lessons learned. The aim is to have a graduated, adaptable, flexible, operational response system facilitating governmental communication, formalizing procedures and responsibilities, geared to levels of alert and credible risks, and easily understandable by our fellow-citizens as well as the players.

In this context, an essential role is being played by all our forces, including the police, gendarmerie and armed forces. Their mobilization – 20,000 men – thus played a crucial role in ensuring security during the ceremonies marking the 60th anniversary of the Landings in Normandy and Provence (...)./. (1) Under the Vigipirate plan, the armed forces contribute to averting threats and taking preventive measures against potential terrorist action.