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Iraq
Interview given by Michel Barnier, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the "Le Journal du Dimanche" newspaper
Paris, June 12, 2004
FRANCE/US/IRAQ THE MINISTER – We must put the current debate about our relations with the United States into perspective. We must look at them from the historical angle, that of the future and that of two countries which have never been at war with each other, which have been friends and allies from the beginning and always will be. That is what is most important and most enduring. This friendship is indestructible, and this alliance, provided it doesn’t mean allegiance, is also an enduring one, even though it must continually be remodelled and doubtless a new balance struck between Europeans and Americans. As regards Iraq, ever since the end of the open conflict we have worked and argued for a fully sovereign Iraqi government, for the restoration of the international community’s unity in the framework of international law set by the United Nations and, finally, for the preparation of the country’s political and economic reconstruction. On these three fronts, there are some real advances in the latest resolution. Obviously, it wasn’t just plucked out of the air. We had a real discussion about it with the Americans, of course, and also our European partners and the other Security Council members. This was very probably a first in this Iraq crisis. It is why there were five different, successive drafts with, in the end, at the same time as the new Iraqi government was being set up, the inclusion in it of the points we were insisting on. Q. – Such as?
THE MINISTER – The transfer of all powers to the new government, with the sole exception of security, which is entrusted for a period of time to the multinational force. Admittedly, we had wanted to go further and proposed the multinational force’s most important military operations being subject to the Iraqis’ agreement. Tony Blair had even talked about a right of veto. Without going that far, the Americans have taken a step in this direction. We got no further than that, hoping that account will be taken of Iraqi feeling. The second point on which we got positions to shift: the definition of a political process with a general election in January 2005, and the date of 31 December 2005 for the adoption of a new Constitution. So, as regards effective, credible, genuine sovereignty, we obtained satisfaction. Now that the framework has been set, let’s see how the situation develops on the ground and remain vigilant. IRAQ/OIL Q. – On Iraq’s oil dividends, France had some specific demands – have they been met?
THE MINISTER – With this new resolution, the Iraqi government regains responsibility for Iraq’s natural resources. Like other transition countries and those undergoing reconstruction, it will work under the supervision or with the support of the international organizations. When it comes to the control and management of its resources, as of the other sectors of the economy, the Iraqi government will be genuinely responsible and sovereign. IRAQ/NATO Q. – On the other hand, on other issues such as a possible role for NATO, Paris and Washington still differ.
THE MINISTER – It would not be a good signal if at the moment when this government's sovereignty is officially established, NATO were to raise its flag there. Neither for Iraq, nor for the region. It would even be incompatible with the process of restoring Iraqi sovereignty. US/FRANCE/EUROPE Q. – So overall you do you feel that relations are better?
THE MINISTER – In the past year or two, on all these issues, the Americans understand better that we want to contribute to the ongoing debate and that it is in everyone's interest to opt for dialogue. The same applies to the far more tragic conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, which threatens to destabilize that region and the whole world. Aside from that, the United States has to understand what we are doing in Europe: regardless of how difficult it is to work with twenty-five nations, the Europeans are going to want and need to organize themselves into a global political player. We have included the tools for this in the European Constitution. My feeling is that the Europeans are going to have greater confidence in their ability to act together at the political level. They are going to be able to do this, not only because a number of their leaders have the requisite will, but also because they will be forced to do so because of the unstable and dangerous world in which we live. Regardless of whether or not we want it to, Europe is going to organize its own security and exercise its full weight in the new organization of the world. It is in the interest of us all, including the Americans, that there not be a single superpower in the world. I want to have faith in the Europeans' confidence in themselves and that of the Americans' in Europe./.
Embassy of France in the United States - June 18, 2004
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