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Statement by Michel Barnier, Minister of Foreign Affairs, during his joint press briefing with Petros Molyviatis, Greek Minister of Foreign Affairs

Athens, July 6, 2004

THE MINISTER – (...) I am very touched by the friendship and excellent welcome I am receiving here, which doesn't surprise me. Let me begin by thanking the Greek Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Prime Minister. This morning, I had a very cordial meeting with the Prime Minister in his office, when we had a lengthy discussion not only on all the bilateral issues, but also on Europe.

UEFA EURO 2004/OLYMPIC GAMES

Of course, I congratulated Greece on her superb football victory. You should know that the French Foreign Minister is very interested in sport and has been for a long time: (...) I was lucky enough to spend ten years organizing the Olympic Games. I was Co-Chairman, with Jean-Claude Killy, of the Organizing Committee for the 1992 Winter Olympics, and I'm very, very happy to see Greece's enthusiastic approach to what is a tremendous event, the summer Olympic Games, after this superb victory.

This is in fact one of the reasons, but not the only one, why, for the past five years, I have very closely followed, with the Greek authorities, the preparation of the Games and, in particular, the substantial European contribution to all the public infrastructure works which will contribute to making a success of the Athens Olympic Games.

EU

Since we are talking about the European Union – to which we, Petros Molyviatis, all the other ministers and I are committed – I have to say that this is a very important moment for Europe, with the EU facing many external and internal challenges: those of growth, employment, and the cultural and social dimension we must now give it so that our citizens feel closer to this institution. So that the EU can function with twenty-five countries today – soon twenty-seven, with Bulgaria and Romania – we are also obliged to have a workable European Constitution. A few weeks ago, on 18 June, the heads of State and Government approved this Constitution. Our citizens must now be able to take ownership of it and it has to be ratified, either by the parliamentary route or by referendum. So the try has to be converted. To convert the try of 18 June and make this Constitution operational, we need something like Charisteas' "header". I hope that we'll do politically what Charisteas did on the pitch!

FRANCE/GREECE

Finally, a word on the bilateral relations between our two countries which are genuinely excellent and friendly and we're keen to strengthen even further in the future. Greece is an important partner for France. At the cultural level, we're looking to make progress, I'm thinking of Greece's candidature for [associate] membership, which I hope comes soon, of the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie [International Francophone organization]. As regards cultural exchanges, there are a lot of projects in the pipeline; there are a lot too in the economic sphere between our firms, and at the political level since Greece is at a nerve centre of this part of Europe – next to the Balkans, at the heart of the Mediterranean and so close to the Middle East – and has a major political role to play. That's why in this region too we're anxious to strengthen our partnership.

EURO-COMMITTEE/EU CONSTITUTION PROMOTION

Q. – Looking ahead to Monday's General Affairs Council, which will also discuss the Constitution, what's your view of the idea of creating a committee tasked with promoting the Constitution?

THE MINISTER – Yes, I'm aware of that idea, put forward by Greece's former Prime Minister, Mr Simitis, whom I know well. I think it's interesting. We need, of course, to check whether all member States feel the same way about it. This initiative puts the finger on a real problem: are we going to tackle this new political stage of ratification each in our own country, with an every-man-for-himself attitude? Personally, I think that would be a mistake, on such an important issue, on a text which is in reality a new Treaty of Rome. By the way, it will be signed in Rome in October. I think there's a need for a European debate, not twenty-five juxtaposed debates spread over two years, with the risk of them being hijacked for domestic policy ends in each country, but, on the contrary, for the first time, a real European debate, taking place if possible – I said this to the Prime Minister – over the same fairly short period. And all this has to be prepared in some way or other. Should it be by a committee like the one Mr Simitis is proposing? By a campaign financed by the Commission and the European Parliament? All the ideas are constructive and we must think about them and prepare for what is a necessary, but difficult ratification period. We must do this together, not each in our own country or with an every-man-for-himself attitude.

IRAQ/FRANCE

Q. – On Iraq: when is France intending to restore her diplomatic relations with Baghdad?

THE MINISTER – I announced, the day after the effective transfer of sovereignty in Baghdad, that we were ready to restore our diplomatic relations. I announced this last Tuesday; yesterday, Mr Allawi had a meeting with our chargι d'affaires, and things are now going to be done fairly quickly.

EU CONSTITUTION RATIFICATION

Q. – Let's suppose that some countries don't ratify the European Constitution. Will the Constitution be abandoned or will the other countries move forward on their own?

THE MINISTER – We have to be clear about what this new constitutional treaty is. It isn't a supplement to the preceding treaties. It's a "reconstruction" of all the treaties, including the 1957 Treaty of Rome. It restructures, "reconstructs" all the treaties and improves all the institutions. So it's difficult to imagine some countries deciding to have the Constitution and others not. So much for the practicalities. At the legal level, the texts are clear, EU law is clear: to come into force, the Constitution must be ratified by all the countries, each in the way it decides – through parliament or a referendum – just as it was approved by all the heads of State and government. That's the law. So if one or two countries weren't to ratify this test, there would no longer be a Constitution. Yet we need the Constitution to make this twenty-five or twenty-seven member European Union function, with what it has already pooled – the common market, single currency, common policies – and the tools of the political Europe which are in this Constitution and for us are very important: the common foreign and defence policies. We need this Constitution.

FRANCE/GERMANY/EU/BOSNIA/IRAQ

Q. – (On the Franco-German axis and Iraq)

THE MINISTER – For several decades now, the French and Germans have been engaged in a dialogue and have worked together, which, I believe, has been constructive for everyone, not just the French and Germans. This is how, let me remind you, the European project came about, with the Italians, Belgians, Luxembourgers and Dutch, in 1950. We have worked together a great deal in the past few years, particularly on the tools I mentioned just now when talking about the Constitution, so that Europe isn't only an economic or monetary Europe, but a political Europe with an EU foreign minister and a common defence policy. And it's not just the French and Germans doing this. Greece, who also has this political ambition, and other countries are following the same policy and working towards the same aim. We haven't yet really got a common foreign policy. We haven't yet got the forum – which, with the French Ministry, I fought for in Brussels – where a common diplomatic culture or geopolitical analysis can be developed. That's why, when crises occur, we are surprised and often disunited. We were when an extremely tragic conflict occurred very close to you: in Bosnia when Yugoslavia exploded, with two hundred thousand deaths which we were incapable of preventing, and we also disagreed and had different analyses.

France and Germany had the same position on the Iraq conflict. I note that France and Germany and other countries think the same way and that, in the end, in Istanbul, where I was at President Chirac's side, after a genuine dialogue between us and the Americans and the other partners, we decided unanimously on the conditions in which NATO could in some way be present to support the process of stability and security in that country, not with organized military forces, but with technical assistance and help with training, alongside other willing countries. As far as France is concerned, I want to confirm: one, we won't send – I've been saying this for several weeks – French soldiers to Iraq; and two, we shall be present with the other European partners – we have confirmed this to the Prime Minister, Mr Allawi – in Iraq's political and economic reconstruction process./.

Embassy of France in the United States - July 8, 2004