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EU/Cote d'Ivoire/Africa/French hostages

Interview given by Michel Barnier, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the "Le Figaro" Newspaper (excerpts)

Paris, November 17, 2004

 

(...)

Q. – To get the European Constitution adopted, how do you plan to convince the French that they have to vote "yes" in the referendum?

THE MINISTER – My main argument is that this Europe of 25 countries, soon 27 or 28, has to [be able to] function. There has to be a common rule, we need more democracy and to be able to go further. Trouble is flaring up all over the world. And Europe is one of the rare hubs of stability. This isn't by chance. It's because we've got a political project which has been keeping its promises for 50 years.

Q. – What's the main weakness of this Constitution?

THE MINISTER – The Constitution is a genuine, positive step forward on all fronts, this is why I can't understand the reasons of those people claiming to be European who oppose it. I would obviously have liked more progress to have been made in a number of areas like qualified majority voting and economic governance, but none of these developments is impossible. The text provides the tools for a common foreign and defence policy. Indeed, the main thing people are asking for is for Europe to be able to act in world affairs, prevent wars like the one which hit Bosnia 15 years ago and prevent divisions like those we experienced over IraQ.

Q. – If France says "no", will she have to leave the European Union?

THE MINISTER – I can't for a moment imagine my country – which instigated this European project, was one of its six founders – rejecting a text which is necessary for the project to continue and work better. But the debate will be an important and tough one, success isn't a foregone conclusion.

Q. – Will the accession negotiations with Turkey have to start after the referendum?

THE MINISTER – Very probably, if the heads of State and government decide next month to open these negotiations. There will indeed need to be a period of time before they open. So the negotiations will probably start only at the end of 2005 or early 2006.

Q. – Will the new UNSCR on Côte d'Ivoire help resolve the crisis?

THE MINISTER – This resolution means that weapons must be permanently silenced in Côte d'Ivoire. This is the purpose of the arms embargo. The solution in that country isn't a military one. It doesn't lie in intolerance and conflict. It lies in political dialogue. The choice of the Marcoussis Agreement, which is sometimes contested, was for reconciliation in a country cut in two, which is going through a very long and deep crisis, linked to unemployment, the economy and problems to do with Côte d'Ivoire herself, such as her demography. The confrontation and differences of view must be dealt with through elections and political dialogue. The UNSCR, passed unanimously, supported by the African Union, is a way of reminding all the protagonists who signed the Marcoussis and Accra Agreements of their responsibilities and commitments.

Q. – Are sanctions going to hit Ivorian leaders?

THE MINISTER – The resolution is a warning and exerts very clear pressure on all those who, in the next few weeks, might impede the political process and the implementation of the agreements they have signed. The commitments undertaken must be honoured. Those who hinder the process know that they will lay themselves open to the imposition of concrete sanctions, hitting their financial assets and their visits abroad.

Q. – French nationals living in Côte d'Ivoire have lodged complaints about offences and crimes committed against them. What means has France got to get the guilty punished?

THE MINISTER – First of all, the complaints have been lodged with the French judicial authorities. Then there are the Ivorian judicial institutions which have to play their role and cooperate. Finally, there are international judicial institutions to which citizens can complain. We want those who have committed atrocities, who have committed indecent, violent acts particularly against women to account for their actions and take responsibility for their wrongdoing.

Q. – President Laurent Gbagbo is accusing France of playing into the rebels' hands. Can the former colonial power be impartial in this conflict?

THE MINISTER – We aren't denying either the past or the shared history. We aren't in a tête-à-tête between Côte d'Ivoire and France. France is in no way at war with Côte d'Ivoire. From the outset, we have clearly acted within the United Nations framework. We remain true to our past, but we are living in a new era, that of Africanization. African leaders are shouldering the primary responsibility. It's also an era of pooling international and European efforts.

Q. – It's nevertheless France who is at the centre of the action, who is sandwiched between the two camps. Wouldn't it be better to let one camp win?

THE MINISTER – We're not choosing one camp over the other. We are defending a political solution. I recognize that this solution is difficult, that it may be misunderstood by one side or the other. But for us, there has to be reconciliation before peace and stability can be achieved in Côte d'Ivoire. The President of Senegal, Abdoulayé Wade, has himself said what could happen if France pulled out.

Q. – Do you fear a Rwanda-type genocide?

THE MINISTER – Our sole concern is the need to return to peace, and resolve the crisis for this friendly country. Even though the process set in train in Marcoussis is very fragile, in the past two years there has been a beginning of reform in Côte d'Ivoire, the halting for a time of the violence and destruction of infrastructures. The road is a long one. I think it's the only one. Otherwise, there will be a new conflagration and conflicts.

Q. – With repercussions elsewhere in Africa?

THE MINISTER – Throughout the continent, African leaders intend shouldering the primary role and their responsibilities. There isn't a uniform picture in Africa. Several processes are today at work on the continent. At the moment, we have great instability in West Africa. On the other hand, progress has been achieved in southern Africa, particularly with the end of the clashes in Angola. Central Africa is a fragile area which is moving towards stabilization. In East Africa, we note progress in Somalia and Sudan. Everywhere, we want to encourage African leaders to take responsibility, and to support them in taking up the challenges confronting them.

Q. – Will this be France's message to the Francophone Summit next week in Ouagadougou?

THE MINISTER – Yes. In Africa, France's natural role is to be the partner for development and peace. Certainly not Africa's policeman. We want to be partners with the African Union, but also to work alongside the Europeans. There is great potential in Africa, but also huge challenges. At no moment can the Europeans be indifferent to it.

Q. – Is the detention of two French hostages for nearly three months influencing France's policy in Iraq?

THE MINISTER – No, since we have always kept to the same line in respect of Iraq's sovereignty. No one is safe from hostage-taking, we have never thought we were. Until their release we shall go on trying to do something to help, talking to everyone we can, in order to obtain freedom for Christian Chesnot and Georges Malbrunot.

Q. – At what stage are the contacts with the kidnappers?

THE MINISTER – We haven't got any direct contacts with them. Nevertheless, we're leaving no avenue unexplored. We're doggedly and determinedly exploring them all. We're working, I'd like everyone to understand, with the discretion which is the rule for the safety of the two hostages. The situation is complex, difficult and dangerous, as we see every day in IraQ.

Q. – Has the fact that their Syrian driver has been found encouraged you?

THE MINISTER – Both the discovery of Mohammed al-Joundi in the heart of Fallujah, in the middle of the Coalition's offensive, and his first statements seem to indicate that Christian Chesnot and Georges Malbrunot have been treated differently, by being removed from the most violent areas of combat. Their kidnappers have always stressed that they wanted to treat them decently. All the messages indirectly conveyed by this group of kidnappers insist on the fact that the lives of Christian Chesnot and Georges Malbrunot aren't threatened. As for Mohammed al-Joundi, we have asked the Americans to get in touch with him. I hope they can as soon as possible./.

Embassy of France in the United States - November 17, 2004