Today's Date:

IRAQ

THE MINISTER – (...) We discussed Iraq at a difficult moment when it is more necessary than ever for the international community to be united and effective. A time when there’s a draft resolution on the table at the United Nations, the US-Spanish-British draft. France is keen for the European Union to adopt a united position. This position must, of course, be based on the objectives and principles on which we agreed on 16 April: Iraq’s unity, stability and territorial integrity, the possibility of giving the Iraqis a clear prospect of regaining full sovereignty and giving the United Nations a central role, which is indispensable both for the legitimacy and effectiveness of the process in every sphere. We’re counting all the more on our British and Spanish friends to make these points to the Americans, since they co-sponsored this text and thus have an absolutely central role in this process.

The draft resolution circulated on 11 May is a starting point, as we’ve said. It has already been amended and we’re expecting a new text today in New York. True to her conviction, France is approaching these negotiations constructively and with an open mind, with the primary aim of ensuring the international community’s effectiveness on the ground in Iraq, at a moment when, as everyone can see, the situation is not only confused but difficult.

We’re maintaining a close dialogue with all our partners. We’re regularly consulting Germany, Russia and the other members of the Security Council. Our objective is for this text to define solutions consonant with the Iraqi people's interests and commanding the broadest possible support of the international community. To achieve this maximum consensus at the United Nations Security Council it's vital for the concerns of the different partners on the Security Council to be taken on board. France considers priority has to be given to resolving the problems facing Iraq today: the sanctions regime, disarmament, management of the oil resources, the phasing-out of the “Oil-for-Food” programme. Going beyond the necessity of addressing the humanitarian emergency, we need to establish a stable democratic internationally-recognized regime – that's clearly at the heart of our priorities. The Security Council must support the coalition's action without thereby abdicating its own responsibilities. For this, its action has to be based on strong principles: the need to be informed and for transparency. It's important for regular reports to be given to the Security Council so that it is in a better position to assess the situation. Obviously, the whole process must be subject to the rules of law and there has to be a strict proactive timetable.

MIDDLE EAST/ISRAEL/PALESTINIAN TERRITORIES/LEBANON/SYRIA

We also talked about the Middle East at what is, there too, a difficult moment, as we can see from the increasing number of acts of violence and terrorist attacks. We have adopted conclusions reiterating our objective of the effective and rapid implementation of the Quartet's road-map and establishment of a supervisory mechanism. We think there have to be clear commitments by both parties and concrete action. The European Union stands at the side of the parties in their efforts to move forward on this path, and the acts of violence must strengthen our determination to act. It's in this spirit that I shall be going to Israel at the end of the week and to the Territories to repeat that everyone must indeed do their bit. We think that the peace which has to be campaigned for must be comprehensive.

So we also have to retake the initiative on the Lebanese and Syrian tracks, ponder the best ways of proceeding, and we think there’s a need for road-maps here too. When all is said and done – and the resumption of the violence clearly shows this – in the Middle East there's an urgent need for a political solution, which requires dialogue, and for the peoples to have deep respect for each other. There must also be incentives to move forward. That's the purpose of the major development programme the European Union has set in train in the Euro-Mediterranean framework. As you know, the EU States and countries in the region will be meeting again in Crete. Moving in the same direction, President Bush has, as you know, presented a development plan to establish a free-trade area. So we are working towards the same goal. We have to coordinate our action.

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COTE D'IVOIRE/SIERRA LEONE/LIBERIA

We also considered the situation in Côte d'Ivoire. We have to encourage the process under way in that country, and you know the degree to which France is involved through the presence of her men on the ground: we have nearly 4,000 men there. I insisted on the importance of having a global strategy. We must not content ourselves with acting individually in specific countries in the region: Côte d'Ivoire or Sierra Leone, where there's significant United Nations involvement. We have to take all the region's problems on board, including the situation in Liberia, i.e. we need a regional plan, a plan for each State, and we have to think about the possibility of consolidating the peace by doing all we can to support the regional organizations and so, for example, respond to the requests from the region's countries for funding for forces as we’re seeing today in Côte d'Ivoire. There has to be a financing mechanism to enable the region's countries to develop a security force. (...)

DRC

We talked, too, about the situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo highlighting how dangerous it is and the need to support the United Nations effort there. The aim is both to protect the civilian population and ensure the security of all the installations. As you know, we have set a number of conditions for our participation in such a force, which in principle we have agreed to: it must be a multinational force and its deployment must be governed by a Security Council mandate established by a resolution under chapter VII. We wish this deployment to be limited in time and agreed to not just by the Democratic Republic of Congo, but also by all the neighbouring countries. So we are keen for the European Union to support such a process. Those are the main points we talked about. I'm now ready to answer your questions.

FRENCH ITN JOURNALIST FRED NERAC/IRAQ

THE MINISTER – As soon as we were informed of Fred Nérac's disappearance, we conducted our own investigation. We mobilized all the resources then available to us in Iraq, through the voluntary organizations and agencies. Quite obviously, we took the matter up with our American and British friends and contacted our embassy in Kuwait to try and get all the information we could. We have been in regular contact with Mme Nérac. President Chirac has had a meeting with her, as I have. She is in daily contact with my private office. She had a meeting there on Friday and we have given her all the information we had. I saw her again this morning. I supported her request to my opposite number and friend Jack Straw, so that an investigation can be expedited by our British friends. I think they understand and appreciate this tragedy and I have high hopes that our British friends can swiftly open such an investigation.

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MIDDLE EAST/ARAFAT

THE MINISTER – I'll see Arafat because that is Europe's position and France's position, because Arafat has been elected by his people and we think that dividing the Palestinians serves no purpose at all. On the contrary, we want to go on working with Abu Mazen, he is engaged in a reform process. So we want to work with the Palestinian Prime Minister and are, of course, keeping in contact with Yasser Arafat. There's no point in complicating things, they're complicated enough already.

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IRAQ/POLAND/NATO/UN

THE MINISTER – As you know, a number of countries have been asked to contribute to a force. Now we’ve got to decide what we want: either we’re going to keep the coalition force there long-term, possibly increasing its capabilities, in which case let them ask for technical support from NATO – and we’re obviously ready to look at all this with an open mind as we’ve already said – or we really want to move towards having a force with international legitimacy which can be supported by the United Nations, in which case let’s work with the Secretary-General, with a representative of the Secretary-General, define a mandate, lay down rules. But let’s do so collectively. We’re all ready to support the efforts under way, provided, quite obviously, the necessary ground rules are defined. (...)./.