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Germany and France gather here today to commemorate History and prepare the future. Together we celebrate the instrument through which, on 22 January 1963, two visionary statesmen, Chancellor Adenauer and General de Gaulle, sealed the reconciliation of our countries and committed them to a community of destiny in the service of peace.

We pay tribute to them today. We see how far we have come. And following the example they set, we wish to further pursue understanding between our two countries in the service of Europe.

Throughout the history of Europe, so much of it filled with warring adventurism, two great peoples gazed at each other with fascination and fervour. They fought each other to the point of exhaustion. At the same time their cultures borrowed from each other, in a close and constant mutual attraction.

Charles de Gaulle wrote of the distant origins of the singular relationship between Germany and France, of what he described as a feeling for the Gallic-Germanic complementarity that once caused the Roman Empire to flourish on the Rhine, made the fortune of the Franks, impelled the glory of Charlemagne, underpinned relations between the Kings of France and the Electors, fired Germany in the flames of the Revolution, inspired Goethe, Heine, Madame de Staël and Victor Hugo and, despite the furious struggles which pitted the two peoples against each other, never ceased to seek a way forward, groping in the shadows.

And the gravity of the past becomes moving as we see their representatives meet here today in Versailles. Versailles which twice marked the epilogue and the prelude of our fratricidal conflicts. The proclamation of the German Empire in the Hall of Mirrors a few steps from here, and its consequences, were to haunt the French body politic for half a century. It was in Versailles, again in the Hall of Mirrors, that conditions generating humiliation and resentment beyond the Rhine were imposed on Germany after 1918.

With consequences familiar to all: freedom stamped out, violence unleashed with its cortege of destruction and suffering, its millions of dead, the apotheosis of horror and then the families separated, the lives broken.

But before the terrible night was over, courageous voices were raised on both sides, resisting the unspeakable, refusing to accept the spiral of destruction.

Men of vision pointed the way. It was the path to Europe. Franco-German reconciliation lay along it. The two endeavours became indissolubly linked. Europe would seal the peace where so often there had been only war and brute force. It would support the dream of freedom for oppressed peoples. From then on Versailles, which has so impressed itself on our collective memory, was to symbolize fraternity between Germany and France and beyond them fraternity of our continent as a whole. This, Ladies and Gentlemen, is what brings you here at this solemn moment as the Germans and the French recall the purpose of their reconciliation and their friendship, the goals of their union and their ambitions for the future.

On 22 January 1963, Germany and France turned the page of hatred and ended the terrible hours once and for all. They were led, in doing so, by the determination and conviction of two men steeped in the character of our peoples and determined to give a new meaning to History. General de Gaulle and Chancellor Adenauer approached each other and shared the emotion of the crowds who welcomed them. They stood together in silence in memory and remembrance.

Each recognized and respected the other: Konrad Adenauer, the opponent of Nazism who never gave up his dream of democracy and whose ambition was dedicated to restoring to his country its dignity and influence; and Charles de Gaulle who knew Germany and had, like the Chancellor, fought those who betrayed its spirit and intelligence, which he admired.

The leader of the Free French gave his vision of the world on the eve of the signing of the Elysée Treaty, saying that among the things that fashion the present there was none so striking as the reality of the Franco-German relationship. And he paid tribute to Chancellor Adenauer as a great statesman who had never ceased to believe and proclaim that cooperation between Germany and France was an absolute necessity, that it was the precondition and the very foundation of the construction of Europe.

Europe: it was first and foremost up to Germany and France to show the way on the basis of the union of our two peoples. Only the Federal Chancellor and General de Gaulle could drive things forward. The extraordinary combination of these two singular destinies was to determine our own.

The forty-year history of French-German reconciliation has been an exemplary one. Overcoming obstacles and reticence, the cooperation between our two countries has become an ever more solid reality. And for forty years, each decisive step was taken in Europe thanks to the motor which Germany and France represent.

Ties were extended under the authority and the impetus of the men who followed in Germany and in France – Georges Pompidou and Willy Brandt, Helmut Schmidt and Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, François Mitterrand and Helmut Kohl and you yourself, Chancellor, with whom I have had the privilege of sharing this responsibility, which is also a burning obligation, for nearly 5 years now.

The extraordinary progress made by Europe under the impetus the Franco-German motor is well-known. Freedom of movement for Europeans in a common area created by the Schengen Agreements. Free trade in a large single market. The birth of Defence Europe with the Franco-German Brigade and then the Eurocorps. And finally our currency, the euro, a plan of unprecedented boldness lending Europe a dimension which Europe itself has not yet fully come to appreciate.

Progress in Europe was fuelled by Franco-German trust which made it possible for the two countries to get to know each other better. Seven million young people have already taken part in the Franco-German Youth Office exchange programme. The Franco-German University has created a common area for students. The Arte television channel is now part of the familiar environment of our fellow citizens. Exceptionally close-knit human ties have been forged through the widespread twinning of our cities, administrative districts and regions, and also of our schools and voluntary organizations.

Our ties are supported by an unequalled economic relationship in trade and investment. Each of us is the other's principal economic partner. Together our companies have set up world-class industries and business alliances which place Europe in the first rank. One example is the aerospace industry.

The Germans and the French have thereby built a whole series of common references over the last forty years. The Franco-German relationship is like no other. At the same time, it constitutes a commitment for us all for the future.

Chancellor, Ladies and Gentlemen, the time has come to lend new momentum to the founding pact between our two countries. A pact renewed in order to commit our peoples even further and reinvigorate faith in the Franco-German relationship! A pact to respond to the challenges posed by the restructuring of the European landscape and equilibrium.

Last month in Copenhagen we ushered in a new chapter in history, as the European family, torn apart by the twentieth century, came together again. Next year we will welcome these peoples who are part of ourselves. They will bring us their taste for liberty and the ardour of their aspirations. In Copenhagen we returned to the dream of the founding fathers and drew from the very wellspring of our European endeavour, an endeavour designed to entrench peace, democracy and stability across our continent.

This Europe to which we return, richer in its diversity but also more disparate, will have greater need than ever before of the Franco-German motor. This vast entity of 450 million inhabitants will face risks and challenges to both its cohesion and its equilibrium. It will have to find a centre of gravity. And more than ever our two countries must be, within the Union, much more than just partners. The voice of the Franco-German tandem must speak out to suggest and innovate, to clear the way for this new Europe.

Our European vision has enabled us to transcend our differences. We have been able to recognize, respect and overcome the dissimilarities arising from our traditions, our cultural and historic heritage and our competing interests. The careful, constant harmonization of our approach has been an unmatched force driving Europe as a whole forward. Experience shows that when Berlin and Paris agree, Europe can move forward; if there is disagreement, Europe marks time. Is there a better example of this than the Franco-German agreement reached in Brussels which paved the way for the conclusion of the accession negotiations on schedule? Momentum was established and an agreement reached to the benefit of the candidate countries and the Union. And tomorrow again we will succeed in finding the balanced solutions which our two countries are called upon to define and propose to their partners in many areas. This role of locomotive is one we naturally intend to play in the service of the European project.

As far back as the summer of 2000, the Germans and the French felt that the time had come to give Europe a Constitution. The first ideas and proposals came from Germany and France. At the time, the very word Constitution aroused both fear and enthusiasm. Today, all Europe is working on a Constitutional Treaty.

This is a text which can serve as a reference for every citizen of the Union. A text that consecrates the principles and values that unite us and charts a course for the great ship of Europe. This is the mission pursued with ardour, and also with wisdom and experience, by the members of the Convention on the Future of Europe chaired by M. Valéry Giscard d'Estaing.

The crucial issues have been raised there. The issue of the institutional structure, aimed at conferring on the Union more stability, a higher profile and greater influence. That of support for and involvement in the construction of the Union by the citizens of Europe. The issue of the respective responsibilities of the nations and the European institutions. That of the extension of the Union and its limits. And finally that of the role to be played by Europe on the international scene. The work we are doing together within the Convention is an illustration of this determination to build the Europe of tomorrow.

Last week the Chancellor and I transmitted a proposal on the institutional structure of the Union. There too, by comparing ideas we were able work out a proposal on which, we hope, a broad consensus can be achieved. Each of us took, as was right and proper, a major step towards the other with the shared goal of preserving the original equilibrium of the European institutions while strengthening the political accountability of each of them.

This joint contribution gives a higher profile to the European Council through the continuity and stability of its Presidency; at the same time it reinforces the authority of the Commission, called on to embody the general interest in Europe based on the election of its President by the European Parliament.

Europe must continue to be built in accordance with a singular institutional model, that of a Union of peoples and a Union of States, its equilibrium perfectly illustrated in the concept of the Federation of Nation-States. The issue today is no longer a choice between a Community approach and an intergovernmental approach, between more or less federalism or more or less sovereignty. The real issue is how concretely to give

Europe the ability and the resources to act and to serve its citizens better through more accountable, more efficient and more accessible institutions. In this amphitheatre I wish to stress the role of national parliaments. They must, more than ever, participate in the construction of Europe and be ever more closely involved in the process of developing and overseeing European decisions. It is indispensable that the major players in national political life regularly take part in the European debate and meet, together with members of the European Parliament, within a Congress so as, for example, to hold an annual debate on the state of the Union and its future. This is the best way of getting all our citizens to understand it and thus be an essential link between everyday life and our future ambitions.

It is urgent for Europe to establish itself as an international player. It stands today as an example for all those who reject the inevitability of war. Its dream is not of empty glory, the illusions of which it has exhausted, but of investing its power in serving the cause of peace. It embodies an ambition for humankind. A Europe capable of taking action, including in the military sphere, is necessary for the equilibrium of the world.

On the strength of this conviction, Germany and France have proposed to the Convention that a European Security and Defence Union be created which would, in response to risks and threats of all sorts, enshrine common security and solidarity in the Constitutional Treaty. This Union would also contribute to strengthening the European pillar of the Alliance, illustrating the complementarity and compatibility of our commitments within the European Union and the Atlantic Alliance.

Our countries have also proposed extending to the military sphere the possibility of enhanced cooperation projects, of harmonizing our vision of security even further by carrying out a joint threat analysis and implementing a genuine armaments policy. Together we can work even more closely with our European partners who are prepared to go forward to make available to the European Union the resources it needs.

The world is, alas, faced with crisis situations on all continents. I am of course thinking of Iraq. This is a major challenge. War is not inevitable. The only framework for a legitimate solution is that of the United Nations. France and Germany, chairing the Security Council in succession, are closely consulting to give peace every chance.

I am also thinking of Afghanistan where our forces are committed side by side to contribute to the stability and security of that country and thus make its reconstruction possible.

Our experience in the western Balkans has shown that it is possible to define a credible European policy. The Union is today in a position to take over the mission of the Alliance in Macedonia. It is also preparing to take over the leadership of the international force deployed in Bosnia. The Germans and the French with, of course, other partners – I am naturally thinking of the British – must together make an effective contribution to stability in that region. More generally, our two countries must make sure that the Thessaloniki Summit marks a new stage in bringing these countries closer to the European Union.

Finally, this new Europe must establish with its new neighbours in the East and its Mediterranean rim neighbours, especially in the Maghreb, special partnerships that will provide for their increased participation in our policies and a true sharing of our cooperation.

To its citizens, Europe must represent a force for progress. Within the broad globalization movement, the Union protects them and brings its full influence to bear to ensure that trade liberalization is governed by rules. It is in the name of ethical responsibility that Germany and France are campaigning for a universal prohibition on human cloning. It is for future generations that, together, we are working for the establishment of a World Environment Organization.

Together we must promote a specifically European economic and social model based on a balance between individual initiative and responsibility on the one hand and social protection and the requisite national solidarity on the other.

Finally, Europe must truly be an area of freedom, security and justice for all citizens. Faced with terrorism, organized crime and trafficking of all sorts, let us reinforce our police and judicial cooperation and give Europe the capabilities it needs to take up these challenges.

An enormous new field is opening up for the European Union. Germany and France must break the ground together. They will, whenever possible, have to mobilize all their partners in the Union and, if need be, work together with those who wish to do so in cooperation projects enabling us to move faster and go further. Our two countries, which as a matter of principle are taking part in all these avant-garde projects, will naturally form the core of the "pioneer group" which I called for three years ago in the Bundestag. Today the Chancellor and I call on our two peoples to proclaim their determination to pursue the European endeavour hand in hand. The joint declaration we adopted this morning and which we present to you on the occasion of this fortieth anniversary bears witness to our shared vision of the future of Europe and our convictions regarding a Europe of greater strength, democracy and solidarity.

And quite naturally this declaration expresses our determination to recover the fervour that underpinned our reconciliation and rapprochement. Our relationship, now seen as self-evident, is nevertheless an ongoing challenge.

Let us renew the dialogue among our young people, encourage exchanges between our universities and welcome our young people in our businesses and research centres. Let us awaken the interest of our families and our children in each other's society, language and culture. Let us foster job mobility among our fellow citizens.

Symbolically, to lend its full force and impact to this date, we have declared that 22 January will from now on be "Franco-German Day". We must be able to remember if we are want to build. This day should be devoted, in all our educational institutions and systems, to focusing on the civilization, society and language of our partner country. And our relationship is first and foremost a relationship between people. Let the heart have its say too!

Let us find practical ways to send a political message commensurate with what we actually represent to each other.

This morning we held a joint Council of Ministers meeting. The German and French Ministers together presented the state of cooperation in their respective areas and explained their projects for the future. We gave them a "roadmap" setting the objectives to be achieved. We also decided that in each country there will henceforth be a Secretary General for Franco-German Cooperation to give the necessary impetus to developing our relations. Our gathering is particularly important. By being here you have demonstrated the need for the legislator to be involved in our relationship since it is the responsibility of the legislature to forge a true area of Franco-German citizenship. Thanks to you, and through the closely coordinated action you have decided to pursue, our two countries will feel even closer to each other, in their everyday life, in the heartland of our societies shaped and supported by laws. Through our legislation let us make Germany and France a true protective and fraternal community of law.

Chancellor, Prime Minister, Presidents, Ladies and Gentlemen, The destinies of Germany, France and Europe meet and mingle. Together the Germans and the French must pursue their joint endeavour. I have confidence in the future of Europe because I am confident that the Franco-German relationship is sound.

The Elysée Treaty was signed just forty years ago and it remains as important and relevant as ever. It inspires us in our vision of serving Europe.

Thank you./.